This past summer, the daytime drivel of ABC's The View was briefly interrupted by some actual substance. Their guest was Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, and her appearance, on July 28, came just days after fellow Democratic representative Dennis Kucinich had introduced legislation to impeach President George W. Bush. Pelosi, whose ascendancy was based largely on anti-Bush sentiment, was asked why, for the past two years, she had consistently opposed impeachment. Her response: it simply would be too divisive for the country, but "[i]f somebody had a crime that the president had committed, that would be a different story."
HAIL TO THE CHEATS: Whether it’s George W. Bush, Teddy Roosevelt, or FDR, Bruce Fein says presidential abuse of power has been a problem.
While some moderate Democrats agreed with Pelosi, her centrist appeal incensed the party's left wing. It sparked more than just liberal ire, however. Former Reagan-administration lawyer and lifelong Republican Bruce Fein also took strenuous issue with Pelosi.
Fein has spent the past two years rallying citizens (and their representatives) to push Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney out of office — a message he shared in an impassioned lecture to a gathering of ACLU of Massachusetts (ACLUM) members on November 12. When a self-described conservative speaks for 90 minutes — without a single note or teleprompter — and leaves a (mostly) liberal room spellbound, one can't help but pay attention.
Fein's arguments, which he's been making on Capitol Hill and around the country to whomever will listen, have been collected in a small but power-packed volume that has just hit the bookstores, Constitutional Peril: The Life and Death Struggle for Our Constitution and Democracy (Palgrave Macmillan).
Process, not personality
A Bush impeachment is now moot, of course, as a new president prepares to assume office in January. But impeachment was never to be, notes Fein, not because it lacked legal underpinnings (they are clear and numerous, as methodically delineated in Constitutional Peril), but because the members of Congress needed, as he put it to his ACLUM audience, "a backbone implant."
Fein has been a particularly prickly thorn in Bush's side, precisely because of his impeccable conservative and Republican credentials and the widespread respect he is accorded on both sides of the aisle. He voted for Bush and Cheney twice, before the revelations of abuse of power began to leak out. He also supported the appointments of Chief Justice John Roberts and Associate Justice Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court, as well as the previous nominations of Justice Antonin Scalia and the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist. He loyally served Ronald Reagan in a variety of capacities, believes that the Supreme Court's opinions protecting abortion and homosexual sodomy "created wretched constitutional law," and opposes affirmative action, although he supported, in his words, "the color-blind civil-rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s."
The conservative values that cause Fein to oppose creative judicial expansions of constitutional rights, however, also cause him to oppose "unchecked power [that] invariably degenerates into despotism." And he hardly reserves his venom for the Bush gang. Theodore Roosevelt, another Republican, abused power and engaged in impeachable offenses by tricking the nation into engaging in war, Fein claims. And Franklin Roosevelt, a Democrat, unlawfully and unconstitutionally put American citizens of Japanese ancestry into "concentration camps" based on racist lies told to the Supreme Court. While seeing Richard Nixon resign office in disgrace was "one of the highpoints" of his life, Fein told the ACLUM audience he would have preferred an impeachment trial. Any national trauma suffered, he says, would have been worth the establishment of a clearer precedent (and deterrent) for future lawless presidents, including perjurer Bill Clinton.
Fein, above all, respects process — it is not Bush that he despises; rather, it is the way in which the president has so brazenly flouted the Constitution he was sworn to uphold. As such, Fein warned the ACLUM that citizen vigilance against unchecked executive authority cannot stop when Barack Obama moves into the Oval Office. Indeed, the über-popular president-elect will inherit an executive branch that has seen unprecedented increases in power over the past eight years, and, in reality, for many decades. It'll be up to the people to hold Obama accountable to his promises of increased transparency and respect for our nation's founding documents. Fein, true to his nature, is skeptical — the tolerance of executive over-reaching, he believes, has become too deeply engrained in our political and constitutional culture.
President, Emperor, King
Throughout his decades of public service, in which he had access to a considerable body of classified, as well as recently declassified, national state secrets, Fein says he never came across a leak or disclosure that actually harmed national security. The harm, he warns, is actually done by the classification system itself, which is so overly inclusive that it keeps the nation from discovering executive folly until it's too late.